A coalition of MAGA enthusiasts, tech bros, and blue-collar workers was key to Donald Trump’s November victory.
Now some of them are already fighting with each other.
Free traders and protectionists are at odds over President Trump’s promise to enact “universal” tariffs. Immigration hardliners are at odds with technology companies that support legal immigration. And isolationists are grappling with a global challenge that reinforces the president-elect’s apparent expansionism.
And in the days before his inauguration, some of Mr. Trump’s most ardent original supporters were the most resistant to a larger tent.
“Between the original MAGA base that supported President Trump from the beginning and the tech overlords who are literally buying influence to try to manipulate and change our foreign policy, technology policy, immigration policy. “There will be a fundamental ideological clash.”Controversial conservative activist Laura Loomer said she lost premium features on X because she disagreed with Elon Musk on immigration policy. said.
These clashes, including the opening shot fired in recent days by Trump’s longtime ally Steve Bannon at the president-elect’s new ally, Musk, are a sign that Trump has a new and larger presence. It foreshadows the challenges faced in governing the Republican Party.
But some Trump supporters argue that these rifts are not a bug but a feature of the president’s governing style. During his first administration, the president-elect was known for running his Cabinet like a boardroom. He brought together executives with diverse interests, challenged them to battle, and then decided on his own path. This strategy of fostering competition among advisers allowed Trump to retain ultimate decision-making authority and prevent any one group from gaining too much power.
“Every time these issues come up and there’s a fight, like with Steve Bannon and Elon Musk, I’m like, ‘Wow, whose name is on the ballot?’ It’s Trump’s,” said Scott Jennings, a Republican strategist who was at one time being considered for the president-elect’s press secretary position. “His personal and political influence is at its peak. So there are conflicts and divisions going on and two of Trump’s legitimate allies who want to see him do well. But if they’re competing or competing for his ear in some way, I think it’s ultimately going to be about his power and influence here. There is no one more powerful in Washington.”
Trump’s transition team did not respond to requests for comment.
H-1B visas are designed to allow companies to bring skilled foreign workers to the United States, but have drawn the ire of some Democrats and Republicans. Beyond the divide between MAGA supporters and Mr. Musk, he has also attacked some Trump supporters like Mr. Loomer and Mr. Bannon. Prominent venture capitalists and technology industry players.
“This is just the first of many clashes and rifts between the MAGA base and the so-called tech right as they call themselves — and when I say ‘they call themselves’ , because they’re not right-wing — they decided to support President Trump, who almost got assassinated, but their voting records and political donation history (not “It shows that,” Loomer said.
In an interview with POLITICO, Mr. Bannon also targeted Peter Thiel and Marc Andreessen, tech investors who are said to have Mr. Trump’s ear.・I even had doubts about the selection of Mr. Howley.
“I hope our work in Greenland is not related to that,” Bannon said.
Trump observers say the spat reflects a long-standing truth in Trump’s world: those in his inner circle are always moving targets. President-elects have long had a reputation for making policy decisions based on the last person they discussed an issue with.
“Steve Bannon has been in his ear for a long time, being a dirty whisperer, and now Elon is becoming a household name,” said Matthew Bartlett, a Republican strategist and former Trump administration appointee. spoke. But, “At the end of the day, whether it’s H-1B visas or any major foreign policy issue, it’s (Trump’s) decision, and he’s going to assert himself and ignore everyone else.” No problem.” The Whisperer can easily find himself on the other side of the moat. ”
Trump’s first administration was filled with groups at odds with each other, including establishment Republicans and MAGA outsiders. Policy realists and ideologues. Hawks and isolationists. Institutionalists and Advocates. And family and non-family. These disagreements have allowed Trump to frame himself as the ultimate consensus builder and consensus builder, including on the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and the renegotiation of NAFTA.
And he appears to be taking the same approach heading into his second term. Trump has already said he wants to quickly quash opposition to Mike Johnson’s appointment as speaker and introduce “one big, beautiful bill” on reconciliation.
Because so many diverse stakeholders came together to elect Mr. Trump, including some Democrats and independents, Mr. Trump’s supporters believe that Mr. They argue that it is inevitable that some will make decisions with which they disagree. Last week, he refused to rule out using military force to annex Greenland and regain control of the Panama Canal, infuriating isolationists and reinforcing his first term’s “America First” agenda. It seemed to expand into a more expansionist vision.
Anti-abortion groups are unhappy with his choice of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as Secretary of Health and Human Services. And more traditional conservatives are not happy with his choice of strongly pro-union Rep. Lori Chavez Delemer (R-Ore.) to be Labor secretary.
A former Trump official, who was granted anonymity to assess the difficult times for the movement, also argued that this is the most united the country has been around the president-elect since he took office.
The Laura Roomers and Steve Bannons of the world “feel they built Trump and made Trump Trump, and they want to use that like a purity test,” the source said. Ta. “That doesn’t work in a coalition this large.”
